Virginia
The nefarious Appius Claudius sought to abduct the chaste Virginia where?--
on her way to school:
"Appius Claudius was seized with a criminal passion for violating the person of a young woman
of plebeian rank. Lucius Verginius, the girl's father, held an honourable rank among the centurions at Algidum, a man who was
a pattern of uprightness both at home and in the service. His wife and children were brought up in the same manner. He had betrothed
his daughter to Lucius Icilius, who had been tribune, a man of spirit and of approved zeal in the interest of the people. Appius,
burning with desire, attempted to seduce by bribes and promises this young woman, now grown up, and of distinguished beauty; and when
he perceived that all the avenues of his lust were barred by modesty, he turned his thoughts to cruel and tyrannical violence. Considering
that, as the girl's father was absent, there was an opportunity for committing the wrong; he instructed a dependent of his, Marcus Claudius,
to claim the girl as his slave, and not to yield to those who demanded her enjoyment of liberty pending judgment. The tool of the decemvir's
lust laid hands on the girl as she was coming into the forum--for there the elementary schools were held in booths--calling her the
daughter of his slave and a slave herself, and commanded her to follow him, declaring that he would drag her off by force if she
demurred. The girl being struck dumb with terror, a crowd collected at
the cries of her nurse, who besought the protection of the citizens."
(Livy, History of Rome, Book III, 50)
Some might object: but she just happened to be walking by the school booths,
that doesn't mean she was a student. But what is proper procedure for kidnapping?
Isn't it best to map out the target's daily route and lay in wait where
you expect to find her?

Caecilius' Girlfriend
Catullus wanted his friend the poet Caecilius to come and visit him in Verona, I wouldn't care to inquire for what purpose. Catullus perceives an obstacle, Caecilius' girlfriend: "...though his fair lady should call him back a thousand times..." What sparked this lady's possessiveness? She had read a poem about Cybele which Caecilius had begun:
"She now, if a true tale is brought to me, dotes on him with passionate
love. For since she read the beginning of his 'Lady of Dindymus,' ever
since then, poor girl, the fires have been wasting her inmost marrow. I
can feel for you, maiden more scholarly than the Sapphic Muse; for Caecilius
has indeed made a lovely beginning to his 'Magna Mater.'" (The Poems
of Catullus, XXXV, pp. 41-43, Catullus, Tibullus, and Pervigilium Veneris,
J. W. Mackail, revised by G. P. Goold).
If this lady couldn't read, as the Jesus Seminar informs us, then why did
the beginning of this poem light a fire?

Neaera
And why did Lygdamus bother sending his poems to his beloved, as the Muses
recommended?:
"'Poetry is the lure for the beautiful, gold for the greedy: so let
there be verses from you to gladden her as she deserves. But first let
yellow parchment wrap the snow-white roll and pumice shear its hoary locks,
and letters traced to show thy name border the high top of the fine papyrus,
and let the horned knobs mid both its fronts be painted. For in such trim
guise must thy work be sent.'
"Inspirers of this my song, I entreat ye by the shade of Castaly and
the Pieran springs go to the house, and give her the dainty book just as
it is; let none of its bloom be lost. She will send me answer if her love
is still as mine, or if it is less, or if I have fallen wholly out of her
heart." (The Third Book, Elegies of Lygdamus, I, p. 287, Catullus,
Tibullus, and Pervigilium Veneris, translated by J. W. Mackail, revised
by G. P. Goold.)
Why bother sending the book over to her house if she couldn't read?

Sulpicia
"At last the love I've waited for has come.
(No shame to say so: more to cover up).
My Camenae called on her in prayer,
and Cytherea brought him to my heart.
"Venus kept her promise: now she can tell
my tale of joy to those who don't believe.
I hardly want to give this letter up
so no one else sees it before he does.
I'm glad I did it -- why wear a prudish mask,
as if he wasn't good enough for me!" (Sulpicia, Six Poems).
Notice please that Sulpicia the poet does not want to give her love poem up to
any but its gentleman recipient. None of the machinery postulated by the promoters of ancient
illiteracy: the transcriptionist et al,-- is present.

Heroides
The Latin author Ovid wrote a book called 'Heroides'
imagining the letters various historic and/or mythic ladies might
have written to the men who wronged them. Admittedly this work of
fiction has no direct evidentiary value, as the named ladies did not
write these letters, Ovid did. However it is clear that Ovid was
unfamiliar with the concept of modern 'Jesus' scholarship that women
who authored letters dictated their words to a professional scribe:
"From stolen Briseis is the writing you read, scarce
charactered in Greek by her barbarian hand. Whatever blots you shall
see, her tears have made; but tears, too, have none the less the
weight of words." (Ovid, Heroides, III).
How could the authoress' tears have blotted the pages, when it
was the scribe, not she, hovering over the work? Why does Penelope
specify that the missives she hands to visiting strangers in hopes
they will encounter her wandering husband were written by her own
fingers?: "...and into his hand is given the sheet writ by these
fingers of mine..." (Ovid, Heroides, I). What difference does it
make that Ariadne's hand 'trembles' if she is dictating: "My body is
a-quiver like standing corn struck by the northern blast, and the
letters I am tracing falter beneath my trembling hand." (Ovid,
Heroides, X), or indeed how is she writing a letter on an island she
is not sure is inhabited: "The words you now are reading, Thesues, I
send you from that shore from which the sails bore off your ship
without me, the shore on which my slumber, and you, so wretchedly
betrayed me..." (Ovid, Heroides, X); compare with, "What am I to do?
Whither shall I take myself – I am alone, and the isle untilled. Of
human traces I see none; of cattle, none." (Ovid, Heroides, X).
Surely the scribe to whom she was dictating was human!
How is it that Canace is dripping blood on the letter she is
writing, if someone else is writing it?:
"If aught of what I write is yet blotted deep and
escapes your eye, ‘twill be because the little roll has been stained
by its mistress’ blood. My right hand holds the pen, a drawn blade
the other holds, and the paper lies unrolled in my lap." (Ovid,
Heroides, XI).
Ovid depicts Medea as wondering why her right hand was strong
enough to commit wicked crimes, but not to write: "In this one place
my pen fails. Of the deed my right hand was bold enough to do, it is
not bold enough to write." (Ovid, Heroides, XII)...though if
she were illiterate, her hand's inability is self-explanatory.
Hypermnestra finds the chains that bind her a hindrance to writing:
"I would write more; but my hand falls with the weight of my chains,
and very fear takes away my strength." (Ovid, Heroides, XIV). Why is
this a problem, if she is dictating the letter? Sappho this male author
imagines as writing to Phaon, "Tell me, when you looked upon the
characters from my eager right hand, did your eye know forthwith
whose they were..." (Ovid, Heroides, XV), without explaining how
such recognition would be meaningful in a dictated letter. Again we
have an authoress blotting the writing with her falling tears: "I
write, and my eyes let fall the springing tears like drops of dew;
look, how many a blot obscures this place!" (Ovid, Heroides, XV),
though this must be projectile crying if another is handling the
pen.
This male author imagined these women as writing their letters
with their own right hand. Why did people who knew the culture first-hand not
understand that women dictated their missives, leaving it to the
genius of the moderns to discover? Though Ovid did not watch these women,
some of them non-existent, write their letters, he had seen the
women he knew writing letters and knew how it was done.

Cleopatra
"A man from the country came bringing a basket, and when the guards asked what was in it, he opened
it and taking off the leaves showed them a dish full of figs...After eating, Cleopatra took a tablet which she had already
inscribed and sealed and sent it to Caesar." (Plutarch, Life of Antony, 85, Plutarch's Lives)
Cleopatra, bitten by the asp, made use of no intermediaries to communicate
her final wishes to Caesar; those around her were under orders to prevent
her suicide. Her impressive language skills were not a family tradition:
"With few barbarians did she [Cleopatra] ever converse through an interpreter, and to most of them
she made her replies without help, as, for instance, to Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes, and Parthians. She is
said to have known the speech of many other peoples besides, though the kings, her predecessors, had not troubled to learn
even the Egyptian tongue, while some of them had given up the Macedonian." (Plutarch, Life of Antony, 27, Plutarch's Lives).

Sempronia
"Among their number was Sempronia, a woman who had committed many crimes that showed her to have the reckless daring of a man. Fortune had favored her abundantly, not only with birth and beauty, but with a good husband and children. Well educated in Greek and Latin literature, she had greater skill in lyre-playing and dancing than there is any need for a respectable woman to acquire, besides many other accomplishments such as minister to dissipation." (Sallust, The Conspiracy of Cataline, Chapter II.)
This 'pink lady' was involved in Cataline's conspiracy.

Caligula's Sisters
Being related to Caesar reduced one's expected life span. Nero went so
far as to kill his own mother, on grounds she was plotting against him.
The proof Caligula offered against his sisters was letters in their handwriting:
"The rest of his sisters he did not love with so great affection, nor honor so highly, but often prostituted them to his favorites. He therefore the more readily condemned them in the case of Aemilius Lepidus as adulteresses and privy to that conspiracy against him. And he not only made public letters in the handwriting of all of them, procured by fraud and seduction. He also consecrated to Mars the Avenger three swords with which his life was to have been taken, with an accompanying inscription containing the cause of his so doing." (Suetonius, The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Gaius Caligula).

Detractors
Not only were there advocates of women's literacy, there were also detractors,
like the misogynist Juvenal, who ridiculed literary women:
"But worse is the woman who, no sooner than she sits
At dinner, praises Vergil, forgives dying Dido, pits
The poets against each other, and weighs Vergil on the scale
With Homer. Grammarians yield, rhetoricians are beaten, turn tail,
And the whole assemblage is silent.
No lawyer, no auctioneer,
Can get a word in, nor even another woman." (Juvenal, Satires, Book VI, 434).
In spite of themselves, the detractors testify that there were such women.
Where the satirists did draw blood perhaps was in the lack of depth of
women's education. Lactantius contrasts elitist philosophers with Christian
preachers in that the latter exhort all humankind to virtue, include women,
slaves, and barbarians, while the former address themselves only to that
small segment of the population which had completed the liberal arts curriculum
which was philosophy's antechamber. This curriculum included, not only
"common" literacy, but such arcane and time-consuming studies
as geometry and astronomy. Lactantius makes clear women did not study these
subjects, whether for the reason he suggests: because their study time
was taken up by 'home ec,' or from a societal disinclination to invest in women:
"They [the philosophers] attempted, indeed, to do that which truth required; but they were
unable to proceed beyond words. First, because instruction in many arts is necessary for an application to
philosophy. Common learning must be acquired on account of practice in reading, because in so great a variety
of subjects it is impossible that all things should be learned by hearing, or retained in the memory. No little attention
also must be given to the grammarians, in order that you may know the right method of speaking. That must occupy many years.
Nor must there be ignorance of rhetoric, that you may be able to utter and express the things which you have learned. Geometry
also, and music, and astronomy, are necessary, because these arts have some connection with philosophy; and the whole of these
subjects cannot be learned by women, who must learn within the years of their maturity the duties which are hereafter about to
be of service to them for domestic uses; nor by servants, who must live in service during those years especially in which they
are able to learn; nor by the poor, or laborers, or rustics, who have to gain their daily support by labor. And on this account
Tully says that philosophy is averse from the multitude...Lastly, they never taught any women to study philosophy, except Themiste
only, within the whole memory of man; nor slaves, except Phaedo only, who is said, when living in oppressive slavery, to have been
ransomed and taught by Cebes." (Lactantius, Divine Institutes, Book 3, Chapter 25).
What Lactantius calls "common learning" he does not deny to women.

Cydippe
Callimachus told the tale of Cydippe and Acontius: while visiting
the temple of Diana at Delos, Acontius tossed in front of Cydippe an apple
inscribed with the words, 'I swear by the sanctuary of Diana that
Cydippe will wed Acontius.' The innocent girl read aloud the fateful words,
and as Acontius reminds her, vows made in the temple in the presence
of the goddess cannot be broken: “...in some way came the rolling
apple, with its treacherous words in clever character; and how,
because they were read in holy Diana’s presence, you were bound by a
pledge with deity to witness.” (Pseudo-Ovid, Pseudo-Heroides, XX).
Further complications ensued, all because the ancients lacked the
modern convenience of quotation marks: had Cydippe said, 'And I
quote, "I swear, etc.",' she would have remained unsworn.
In any event, had Cydippe been an illiterate listening as a male
companion read the writing on the apple for her, the problem of
an unintended oath would not have arisen. Twice cautious, Cydippe took up the practice of reading Acontius'
letters silently, according to the Alexandrian author of the
appendix to the Heroides: "All fearful, I read what you wrote
without so much as a murmur, lest my tongue unwittingly might swear
by some divinity." (Pseudo-Ovid, Pseudo-Heroides,
XXI). As Cydippe points out, there is no pledge if the intention is
lacking:
"If I have willed to pledge my hand to you, exact the due
rights of the promised marriage-bed; but if I have given you naught
but my voice, without my heart, you possess in vain but words
without a force of their own. I took no oath – I read words that
formed an oath; that was no way for you to be chosen to husband by
me." (Pseudo-Ovid, Pseudo-Heroides, XXI).
Still and all, the words were spoken; she was literate.

Calpurnia
Pliny the Younger's third wife, the youthful Calpurnia, seems to
have been a 'groupie' or fan of the great man's literary output:
"Her affection to me has given her a turn to books; and
my compositions, which she takes a pleasure in reading, and even
getting by heart, are continually in her hands. [Accedit his studium
litterarum, quod ex mei caritate concepit. Meos libellos habet,
lectitat, ediscit etiam.]. . .She sings my verses and sets them to
her lyre, with no other master but Love, the best instructor."
(Pliny the Younger, Letters, Book Four, Letter 19, To Calpurnia
Hispulla).
Why make such a fuss over his compositions if she
could not read them?

Marcia
Marcia was another book-lover:
"Books, your love for which was a boon bequeathed by your father,
now void of comfort and scarcely serving for brief distraction, make their
appeal to unheeding ears." (Seneca, On Consolation, To
Marcia).
Why would Marcia love books if she were illiterate?

Grapte
"You will write therefore two books, and you will send the one to
Clemens and the other to Grapte. And Clemens will send his to foreign countries,
for permission has been granted to him to do so. And Grapte will admonish
the widows and the orphans. But you will read the words in this city, along
with the presbyters who preside over the Church." (Hermas, The Shepherd,
Book First, Vision Second, Chapter 4).
Why give a copy of this prolix and confusing vision to Grapte? So she could
use it as a door-stop? Or was this literate lady expected to explicate
the book's contents to the widows and orphans?

Callirhoe
In the novel 'Chaereas and Callirhoe,' Callirhoe writes a letter:
"Callirhoe too thought it proper to show her gratitude to Dionysius
by writing to him. This was the only thing she did independently of Chaereas;
knowing his jealous nature, she was anxious to prevent him learning of
it. She took a writing tablet and wrote the following.
"'From Callirhoe: greetings to Dionysius, my benefactor -- for it
was you who freed me from pirates and slavery. [...] Plangon, my greetings
to you; this letter is written in my own hand. Fare you well, good Dionysius,
and remember your Callirhoe.'
"She sealed the letter and hid it in a fold of her dress...
"Dionysius went back to his quarters and shut himself in. When he
recognized Callirhoe's handwriting, he first kissed the letter, then opened
it and clasped it to his breast as if it were Callirhoe present in the
flesh."
(Chariton, 'Chaereas and Callirhoe,' pp. 116-119, Collected Ancient Greek
Novels, edited by B. P. Reardon).

Manto
Another fictional character, and this one of bad character besides, but
you've got to give her credit, she can write:
"While they were in this predicament, Manto could hold out no longer
when Rhode kept her waiting, and wrote a note to Habrocomes. Its contents
went like this.
"'From his mistress to the fair Habrocomes, greeting. Manto is in
love with you and can no longer contain herself, improperly perhaps for
a girl, but inevitably for a girl in love...For if you agree, I will persuade
my father, Apsyrtus, to give me to you in marriage; we will get rid of
your present wife, and you will be rich and prosperous.'...
"She took this letter and sealed it, then gave it to one of her own barbarian servants, telling her to give it to Habrocomes. He took it and read it and was upset at everything in it; he was particularly aggrieved at the part about Anthia. He kept the writing tablet, wrote the reply on another, and gave it to the servant. The letter went like this.
"'Mistress, do as you will and use my body as the body of a slave; and if you want to kill me, I am ready; if you want to torture me, torture me as you please. But I could not come to your bed nor would I obey such a request even if you ordered me.'
"When she received this letter, Manto could not control her anger.
[...]
"Meanwhile Apsyrtus, searching the cramped quarters where Habrocomes had been living before his punishment, came across Manto's note to Habrocomes, recognized the writing, and realized that his punishment was unjust. So immediately he gave orders to set Habrocomes free and bring the young man before him." (Xenophon of Ephesus, 'An Ephesian Tale,' pp.141-143, Collected Ancient Greek Novels, edited by B. P. Reardon).
It is odd that the contrived plots of so many ancient Greek novels, which
admittedly are pot-boilers, revolve around the discovery of a letter in
which a woman's hand-writing is recognized, given that they could not write.

Leucippe
Letters authored by women are found in papyrus caches, yet we are told these women could not write, but hired someone to write the letter for them. But, again, a novelist has someone recognize a woman's hand-writing:
"When I had gone to him, without a word he handed me a letter. Before
I could read a single sentence, my jaw dropped in astonishment: I recognized
the handwriting as Leucippe's. The letter read as follows.
"'From Leucippe to her master Clitophon:
"'It is 'Master' I must call you, for you are my mistress's husband.
You know well all that I have suffered for you, yet now I am obliged to
refresh your memory. For your sake I left my mother and undertook a life
of wandering. For your sake I went through shipwreck and captivity at the
hands of pirates." [...]
"Returning to the text, I scrutinized every word, as if seeing her
through the letters."
(Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon, pp. 242-243, Collected Ancient
Greek Novels, edited by B. P. Reardon).
Ancient Greek novels are not for everyone, in part because of their contrived
plots in which every manner of calamity is piled atop the hero and heroine,
who nevertheless prevail. Before true love conquers all, the catalog of
troubles the characters must undergo includes shipwreck, pirate attack,
kidnap and sale into slavery, disease, disaster and hard times, and even
amnesia, that staple of daytime TV:
"'I beg you, mistress, be at peace with me now; I have had enough
misfortune! I have died and come to life again. I have been taken by pirates
and made an exile; I have been sold and been a slave; and I reckon my second
marriage a greater burden yet than all this. I beg one favor of you, and
of the other gods through you, to requite all: preserve my fatherless child!'"
(Cariton, Chaereas and Callirhoe, p. 62, 'Collected Ancient Greek Novels,'
edited by B. P. Reardon)
"At the mention of Chaereas she burst into a flood of tears and spoke bitter words about this trial. 'Oh,' she cried, 'that was all I needed, in my misfortunes -- to be taken to court! I have died and been buried; I have been stolen from my tomb; I have been sold into slavery -- and now, Fortune, on top of that I find myself on trial!'" (Chariton, Chaereas and Callirhoe, p. 81, 'Collected Ancient Greek Novels,' edited by B. P. Reardon).
"...Anthia put her arms around Habrocomes and wept. 'Husband and master,'
she said, 'I have found you again, after all my wanderings over land and
sea, escaping robbers' threats and pirates' plots and pimps' insults, chains,
trenches, fetters, poisons, and tombs. But I have reached you, Habrocomes,
lord of my heart, the same as when I first left you in Tyre for Syria.'"
(Xenophon of Ephesus, An Ephesian Tale, p. 169, 'Collected Ancient Greek
Novels,' edited by B. P. Reardon).
"'Did Fortune rescue us from robbers for you to become dementia's
pawn? Our good fortune in each case has proved bad luck: we have escaped
domestic danger only to suffer shipwreck; we have survived the sea and
eluded the outlaws, yes -- because we were being groomed for delirium.
And if you ever do recover your wits, my dearest, I can only fear that
god must have some other calamity in store. Who could be more disaster-prone
than we, who are even frightened of good fortune?'" (Achilles Tatius,
Leucippe and Clitophon, p. 226, 'Collected Ancient Greek Novels,' edited
by B. P. Reardon).
For all the world these accident-prone people sound just like the
cast of the day-time soap operas on TV. Since these latter shows are
presented for a female audience, how likely is it that the very
similar Greek novels were written for any but a female readership?
Ovid is another author who aims his works at a female readership as well as male:
"My labour'd lines, some readers may approve, Since I've instructed
either sex in love." (Ovid, Art of Love, Book III). If women really
could not read, this is an odd marketing ploy.

Melite
Achilles Tatius tells the story of a trial by ordeal in which the accused
woman must write out an oath on a tablet:
"The water of the Styx worked as follows...when someone is accused
in affairs of Aphrodite, she enters the spring to bathe. The fountain is
a small one, reaching only to the mid-calf. The ordeal is this: she writes the oath on a tablet and ties it around her neck with a string. If she has not been false to her oath, the spring remains in place. If she is lying, the water seethes and rises to her neck and covers the tablet. [...] The populace reassembled for this spectacle, and the procedure was followed to the letter there too. Melite was wearing the tablet; the spring lay clear and low. She walked into the waters and stood there with a beaming face. The water did nothing at all! It stayed in its place without the slighted surge from its usual level. When the allotted time for her stay in the spring had passed, the magistrate held out his hand and helped her out of the water." (Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon, pp.279-281, 'Collected Ancient Greek Novels,' edited by B. P. Reardon).
Evidently this trial by ordeal found oaths that were technically true satisfactory.

Rectina
The correspondent who alerted Pliny the Elder to the desperate plight
of the survivors at Pompeii was a woman named Recina:
"As he was leaving the house he was handed a message
from Rectina, wife of Tascus whose house was at the foot of the
mountain, so that escape was impossible except by boat. She was
terrified by the danger threatening her and implored him to rescue
her from her fate. He changed his plans, and what he had begun in a
spirit of inquiry he completed as a hero. He gave orders for the
warships to be launched and went on board himself with the intention
of bringing help to many more people besides Rectina, for this
lovely stretch of coast was thickly populated." (Pliny the Younger, letter to Cornelius Tacitus
explaining how his famous uncle met his end, Letters VI. 16.)
Of course (as the 'Jesus Seminar' types will be quick to point
out), Rectina might have visited her local 'Kinko's' to dictate this
missive, which drew Pliny the Elder in to his death on the beach. That is to say,
assuming 'Kinko's' remains open during catastrophic volcanic
eruptions. . .

Baker's Wife
Lucius Apuleius introduces a character into his novel 'The Golden Ass'
who is evidently intended for a Christian. The baker's wife is "a
despiser of all the gods whom others did honor, one that affirmed that
she had instead of our sure religion an only god by herself, whereby, inventing
empty rites and ceremonies she deceived all men, but especially her poor
husband, delighting in drinking wine, yea, early in the morning..."
(Lucius Apuleius, 'The Golden Ass,' Book Nine, pp. 144-145). Lucius, a
devotee of Isis, loads this woman, a monotheist who practiced an 'empty
rite' involving drinking wine in the morning (communion?), with every imaginable
sin, from adultery to cruelty to animals to murder.
More to the point for present purposes, the baker's wife attended school.
Prompted by a reference to an acquaintance, she recalls her as a school-mate:
"Then the baker's wife said: 'I know her very well, for her name is
Arete, and we two dwelled together at one school.'" (Lucius Apuleius,
'The Golden Ass,' Book Nine, p. 146).

On the Wall
Scrawling graffitti on the wall does not prove anything about ancient literacy, some folks think, because
after all you can always hire someone to do that. A woman concerned about
her sea-faring man left a message on the wall for the pagan goddess
Venus in Pompeii, which was preserved by the volcanic eruption in
that place.
"For the crew of any ship foolhardy enough to chance a
February crossing of the Mediterranean, it was Venus' role as
protector of mariners and shaper of fate that demanded their
gratitude. 'Venus is the weaver of webs,' one landlocked lover
scratched onto a wall. 'From the moment that she sets out to attack
my dearest, she will lay temptations along his path. He must hope
for a good voyage, which is also the wish of his Ario.'" ('Pompeii,
The Living City,' by Alex Butterworth and Ray Laurence, p. 36).

Aurelia
Pliny the Younger recounts that a legacy-hunter watched a wealthy lady insert a clause into her
will with her own hand, though her good fortune and long life subsequently left him disappointed:
"You must know then, that Aurelia, a lady of property, designing to execute her will, had dressed herself for that purpose in a very splendid manner. Regulus, who was present as a witness, turned about to the lady, and, "Pray," says he, "leave me these fine clothes." Aurelia at first thought him in jest; but he insisted upon it very seriously, and, to make a long story short, obliged her to open her will, and insert this legacy; and though he saw her write it, yet he would not be satisfied till he read the clause himself. However Aurelia is still alive; though Regulus forced her to make this bequest, as though her death were imminent. And yet legacies and estates are conferred upon this abandoned man as if he really deserved them!"
(Pliny the Younger, Letters, Book Two, Letter 20, To Calvisius).

Waiting for Baptism
Cyril of Jerusalem suggests that candidates awaiting baptism spend their
time usefully, reading perhaps, though, following Paul, he does not want
women reading out loud in church:
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